Showing posts with label O'Kane. Show all posts
Showing posts with label O'Kane. Show all posts

Tuesday, June 16, 2015

Notes on Chris O'Kane's "Fetishism and Social Domination in Marx, Lukacs, Adorno and Lefebvre", Part 6

Lefebvre

This section is fantastic because it gives due credit to a largely under-appreciated thinker who spans an even greater period than Marcuse and Adorno.  The explications of Lefebvre’s contributions seem well done and it is no small task to tease out this core of Lefebvre’s work given his prolific output.  The neglect of the production of space by capital is inexcusable in Marxian thought, but insofar as the consideration of the working class rarely left the workplace, it is not entirely shocking (note that Engels’ writing on this, collected in the little booklet On The Housing Question, is line for line his most interesting and contemporary writing and not surpassed until Debord and Lefebvre.)

163

165
Is O’Kane dedicated to opposing the complementing of Marx’s concepts with other concepts undertaken by Lukacs, Adorno and Lefebvre (as well as Debord)?

167
“This notion of fetishism as a concrete abstraction likewise stems from Lefebvre’s interpretation of Marx’s relationship to Hegel. Following from this contrast between idealism and praxis, the ‘starting point’ for such a conception of abstraction is not the mind but practical activity.’512 Thus social praxis, which consists of ‘social reality, i.e. interacting human individuals and groups’, constitutes appearances which are something more and else than mere illusions.’513 These ‘appearances are the modes in which human activities manifest themselves within the whole they constitute at any
given moment.’514 They are therefore what Lefebvre terms ‘modalities of consciousness’, or ‘concrete abstractions’ because these forms are ‘abstract’ yet they are also ‘concrete’515 since they are constituted by social praxis. Consequently, these concrete abstractions are ‘the very basis of the objectivity of the economic, historical and social process which has led up to modern capitalism.’”

The contrast between idealism in Hegel and praxis in Marx is mistaken.  Hegel is also a philosopher of praxis, and it is not merely a praxis of Mind.  It might be more correct to say that for Hegel the material or external world is consciousness, is what is outside of self-consciousness, albeit not yet consciousness of other, since “other” implies a consciousness of self.  Hegel’s idealism is an idealism of praxis.  For example, his contention that the diversity of spirit is not a plurality , but a determinate diversity (PhG, para. 736) is because diversity is not number, but more akin to measure in the Greek sense, a passing from quantity to quality in an ethical sense (to act to little or too much is to not act virtuously, whereas to act in right measure is virtue.)  Diversity is thus a diversity of acts (hence determinate), not a plurality of things.

The distinction between Hegel and Marx on this is rather about the nature of praxis.  For Hegel it is praxis in Spiritual Being, for Marx it is praxis in Social Being, keeping in mind that for Hegel Spirit is Social and that in Marx Social is Spirit.  In a sense, the question is where one puts the Infinite: in human social being or in God.

180
This idea of typology has some oddly Weberian roots.  Might be worth looking back at Gyorgy Lukacs: The Fundamental Dissonance of Existence, first couple of chapters.

The aspects of determinacy and form seem to start coming apart at the wheels here.  If alienation is infinitely complex, it is also in forms that are historically specific.  For example, see Roswitha Scholz’s value dissociation reading of gender or Chris Chen’s extension of it to race.

How do they types (everyday alienation, reification, political alienation, etc.) come to be?  What gives them their particular social form?

183-4
“On the quantitative side stands Lefebvre’s revised diagnosis of alienated sociality, which is exemplary of the typology proposed in volume two.579 In this society of forced bureaucratic consumption, alienation has become a ‘social practice’.580 Everyday life is now the site where this social practice tries to integrate people into the ‘[a]bstract, quantitative ‘pure formal space’ that defines the world of terror[istic]581 forms which is not the space of false consciousness but of true consciousness or of the conscience of reality, isolated from possibility.’582 Such terrorist forms are inclusive of commodified, pervasive and administered society. They also reflect Lefebvre’s adaptation of structuralist methodology and include exchange, maths, writing, linguistics, contracts and practical-sensorial objects. Yet these terrorist forms cannot reduce the ‘irreducible’ qualitative aspects of the lived.583 For while these forms aspire to a concrete existence they are ultimately reliant on human social actions that they cannot entirely determine. Since the interrelation between these forms is not total,584 these forms cannot determine content. Ultimately, these forms ‘simultaneously organize’ everyday life and ‘are projected upon it, but their concerted efforts cannot reduce it; residual and irreducible, it eludes all attempts at institutionalization, it evades the grip of forms.’”

This seems central to Lefebvre.  The irreducible qualitative aspects of the lived still seems fairly much a humanist sentiment.  The incompleteness of the interrelation of these forms is crucial to his view.  It also marks out a resistance to the idea of “One-Dimensional Man” pace Marcuse, but in fact within all of Frankfurt School theory.

There is a vitalist sense, IMO, to his use of “everyday life”, that Bergsonian and Nietzschean irreducibility.  Whether or not this is a problem is another question.

There is also a problem with the mere juxtaposition of form and content, quantity and quality.  It hypostatizes the opposition in a dualistic manner, as opposed to a more speculative framing.

188
It is a shame to focus only on the abstract, while excluding discussion of the representational and represented.  In Hegelian terms, representation is prior to the Concept, is that which lacks conceptuality and Thought proper (c.f. his discussion of Religion in paras. 770-776 of the PhG and also the Introduction to the Lectures on the History of Philosophy where he distinguishes philosophy from religion.)  To stop as representation and abstraction is to never get to the Concept.  It may be that this is where Lefebvre is supplementing Hegel with Nietzsche. 

189-90
I could have put this not anywhere in the Lefebvre section I suppose, but I think Lefebvre’s focus on space and spatiality is important in beginning to think through a more satisfactory way of addressing abstractions and their ability to solidify, to be sustained even outside of a specific practice.

One of my criticisms of the excellent work of Nicole Pepperell is that she has no real concept of abstraction.  Vidar Thorsteinsson’s excellent talk “The Social Efficacy of Abstraction” takes up, without taking a side in the answer per se, the problem of the idea that abstractions subsist beyond the practice that generates them.

I would suggest that Lefebvre’s discussion of space takes us in the direction of answering this dilemma because the abstractions of value, money, commodity, capital, state, leave artefacts which are not only structured, but structuring.  That is, these artefacts cannot be treated as neutral any more than labor in capitalist society can be treated as neutral.  Living labor leaves behind dead labor, but dead labor designed to perpetuate the form of social relations that produced it in the first place.  So too does capital’s production of space engender itself, reproduce its conditions of self-constitution.  The relation is materialized in the artefact and changing its directionality is more difficult than Pepperell proposes.  Little changes in practice come up against the channeling force, the canalization of variations by artefacts of prior practice, just as living labor is canalized by its artefacts, by dead labor.  Just as in genetics, the artefacts have a certain robustness that cannot simply be bypassed, but which must be overcome.

Lefebvre suggests a manner in which the production of space and the artefacts produced are incomplete.  This follows on from his earlier discussion of the refusal of systematicity, of the inability of capital to close the loop completely without a remainder and without gaps (the two are not necessarily the same.)

191
Reading Hegel’s mocking of picture-thinking and numericity in the Phenomenology of Spirit (paras. 773-6) as it applies to the Trinity of Father, Son, Holy Ghost makes me wonder if Lefebvre’s claim to surpass “the binary limits of Marx’s analysis” might miss the point.  First, that any splitting up into number is both arbitrary and contingent.  Capital is one and any splitting up that hypostatizes its moments is no better than Christian picture thinking that transforms God into pieces and images.  As Hegel quips that one might as well make the trinity a quaternary by adding in the fall of Adam or a 5-in-1 with the fall of Lucifer, so we might mock attempts to split capital up into a Trinity.

195
O’Kane is correct to point out, even in Lukacs, Adorno, and Lefebvre, the use of “vague and unsubstantiated terminology, such as praxis, social labour or socio-economic form which are treated as constitutive of theories of
social constitution.”

This is also interesting:
“even when Lefebvre’s revises his classical humanist analysis, he does not fundamentally re-evaluate these broad categories. Rather, he argues that a typology should be devised that might encompass them. Whilst these revisions do add complexity, the fact that they are not accompanied by a revised account of how they constitute or are constitutive of society as such undermines the explication of Lefebvre’s theory.”

“These accounts of concrete abstraction are potentially illuminating in some cases, such as when Lefebvre describes how cities or space participate in abstraction. In other cases, the treatment of these forms as analogous to fetishism is questionable, such as when he talks of the terrorist forms of mathematics. In either case, the genesis of such forms and the corresponding accounts of why these forms possess fetishistic properties are often hard to decipher. It is not enough to simply posit that they interact with the logic of the commodity world, when the function of such a logic is not accounted for. Yet, Lefebvre’s theory too often relies on positing such interrelations.”

In the first two sentences, I don’t see O’Kane’s reason for acceding that cities and space might be terroristic, but not mathematics.  If anything, mathematics is the highest form of fetishization.  This is a fairly consistent theme in the debate on biology and evolution by figures such as Richard Lewontin, Richard Levin, and Stephen Jay Gould.  It is also akin to Helmut Reichelt’s critique of economics, which replaces having an actual object with arcane mathematical formulations that appear self-justifying by dint of their arcane quality.  If post-modernism speaks in a language that is incomprehensible, denying the validity of the very object of its language, modern science and mathematics often seem no less involved in a mathematical language game, with as little substance.

196
“Whilst on one hand this opposition does have the virtue of positing some form of social life that has not been subsumed or determined by the commodity form, the manner in which it does so is reductive and questionable. This is
because it seems that Lefebvre treats any form of quantification or abstraction as dominating or dehumanising, and any type of qualitative behaviour as resistant and humane. Such an opposition leads Lefebvre to bundle together disparate phenomena due to this reductive assessment of whether they are quantitative or qualitative. This leads Lefebvre’s account of quantitative phenomena to include a disparate array of elements such as rationality, mathematics, and types of homogeneity, which are treated as equivalent to abstractions that compel human behaviour.”

This is an excellent point, and one which applies to many thinkers in the “humanist” reading of Marx.  Simply counterpoising quantitative and abstract as “bad” and qualitative and concrete as “good” hits an important issue.


198
“…Marx’s theory of fetishism provides an apt description of the current socio-economic crisis in which collectively constituted economic entities have acted like subjects beyond indivduals’ control compelling rafts of cuts, debt, rising unemployment and misery…”

199
“Rather than an account that examined fetishism in the context of alienation or reification this comparative study focused on how fetishism was used as a theory to articulate the collective constitution of social phenomena that possess autonomous and inverted properties that structure, compel and maim individuals.  While the term ‘social domination’ was intended to convey that there is an integral link between how these thinkers conceive of the way a society is structured and of these fetishistic types of domination that are held to be characteristic of this society.”

“…theories of reifcation provide a theory of domination that is too pervasive and inadequately grounded. So I hold that
disentangling fetishism from reification provides sufficient theoretical grounding for a critical theory that is more nuanced and better articulated than theories of reification.”

“…this disentanglement can be seen in (2) the separation of the interpretation of what I termed ‘fetishism as reification’ – which attributes domination to the transformation of processes into things and the thingification of humans - from accounts of fetishism which emphasise the autonomous function of things and the manner in which they compel individuals’ actions…”

200
“The inherent tension that exists in conceiving that social relations underlie forms of domination without furnishing an adequate account of how these social relations constitute these forms of domination. Furthermore, while I believe this use of fetishism has some traction, I also think it does little to distinguish itself from other accounts of social constructivism, undermining its critical potential.”

Excellent point.

201
The goal:
“…a contemporary critical theory that provides an account of the genesis, pervasiveness and the reproductive logic of fetish- characteristics of social domination.”

202
There is a limit to conceiving of capitalism solely in terms of a “class-based form of labour allocation”.  This limit is that it can’t grasp other moments necessary to the reproduction of capital, namely domestic or household labor which is a gender-based form of labour allocation, and unfree labour, which I would argue forms the ground of a racially-based labour allocation.  I admit, I’m not sure if labour allocation is the right way to think of this, but in the total cycle of capital, the complete circuit, the reproduction of labor power by household labor is missing and so is the permanent presence of unfree labor (slave labor, peonage, sharecropping, and also the denial of the possibility of being any kind of labor which typically results in genocide related to massive land and resource grabs), a labor allocation that increasingly became associated with and which defined specific groups as racial groups.

This is not to say that Capital does not gives us the basis of comprehending class, but that class is not the only form of labor allocation structured by capital.  Gender and race are also related to labor allocation, so that class, gender and race are moments of the same dynamic of capital.  Roswitha Scholz refers to the mutual determinacy of class and gender as value-dissociation, as opposed to mere value-form which relates strictly speaking only to the value-producing moment of capital associated with wage-labor.  I am suggesting that race forms the third moment, even though it finds itself in production in the same place as wage-labor.

There is an ontologization of labor here IMO.
“Marx: (a) uses his critical-genetic method to account for the social constitution of capital by deriving it from the dynamic and contradictory process in which social labour appears and hides itself in the socially specific forms of value, (b) conceives of Capital as constitutive of sensible-suprasensible alienated and inverted forms of abstract domination that are collectively constituted and reproduced by the socially specific type of social labour that appears in these forms of value.”

Still, this is pretty good:
“(1) Marx’s theory of fetishism provides an account of the social constitution of forms of value that integrates his form-analytic critique of political economy with the reified social relations and the personification of things. (2) What I termed ‘fetish-characteristic forms’ describes the autonomous and personified constituent properties of these forms of value that invert to dominate and compel individuals’ action. (3) Marx’s account of these fetishcharacteristic forms and their constituent domination proceeds from the commodity through money and capital - where these forms become more autonomous at the same time as their dominating properties become more concrete and socially embedded - and culminates in Marx’s account of the Trinity Formula which provides an account of the constitution, the constituents and of the reproduction of the enchanted, perverted topsy-turvy world of capital.”

There is a lot of redundancy in 202-3.  The same thing is said 3 times, specifically this idea:
“Marx’s theory of ‘fetish characteristic forms’ explains how reified social relations constitute personified things that function autonomously to invert and compel individual behaviour.”

203
“Instead his theory of fetishism proceeded to articulate the constitution and constituent fetish characteristic properties of more autonomous forms of value alongside a more complex and concrete account of their dominating properties.” [Italics mine – CDW]

I think this is a really, really important point because it implicitly states that the later categories in Capital remain forms of value.  I’m not sure if the right way to speak of it as an “account of their dominating properties”, so much as a more complex and concrete account of their determinations.  Properties are too empiricist and would be subject to Hegel’s critique of empiricism in chapter 2 of the Phenomenology of Spirit, “Perception”.  This may seem like nitpicking, but properties belong to a thing and a more complex accounting of the properties of a thing is an infinite task and also not the development of categories with their own specific effects appropriate to the level of analysis at which they are relevant.  Determinations on the other hand brings into play a constellation (to borrow from Benjamin and Adorno) of moments through which the concept passes, each dissolving as soon as it comes to be, in a process of preserving the concept.  (Here I have in mind Hegel’s discussion in para. 781 of the Phenomenology of Spirit.

207
“The inconsistencies stem from the object of Capital, which as a study of capitalism as its ‘ideal average,’ renders its relationship with a theoretical account of society and empirical reality problematic. This means that despite the fact that Marx offers the most sophisticated account of fetishism in relation to the social constitution and the constituent properties of social domination, it is significant that not only Marx’s theory remained
unfinished but that it also leaves out of consideration a significant amount of social phenomena.”

Insofar as Marx’s critique is a critique of capital and not capitalism, this idea is a conceptual mistake of the worst sort, and one that goes a long way towards indicating the limits of this dissertation.  There is not study of the ideal average in Capital, but of the fundamental categories of capital through a critique of the categories of political economy.  It is both a logic and a phenomenology, a simultaneously theoretical and metatheoretical work, but it is not a criticism of empirical reality.  His use of England as the “ideal average” relates to how he uses England as an example to elucidate his points, which in a less developed context might be less clear and complete.  It is a critique of the fundamentally contradictory and irrational nature of capital and it points to the idea that any attempt to write a rational theory of capital as one might conceive of a theory of light as a particle and wave misconstrues the very nature of the object itself.  For a work so fixated on reification, this treatment of Marx’s project as dealing with an ‘ideal average’ is a tremendous act of reification.

This does not mean that Capital was complete.  In fact, it could not be complete insofar as certain elements even I Volume 1 must be subject to change insofar as they are phenomenal forms that express, that are more concrete determinations of, value in practice.  That is, even if the essential core of Capital remains the same (and this is why people fight over the first few chapters because how one reads the entire rest of the 3 volumes revolves around this reading), everything from chapter 7 forward is subject to revision and development based on the development of news forms of appearance, such as changes in the kinds of production (the transformation of production did not end with the movement from cottage to manufacture to industry, and in fact one would have to retitle “industry” as “mechanical industry” and then account for “chemical industry” and “microelectronics” and maybe more.  Further, we know the second and third volume were incomplete in a variety of ways and the 4th volume was never really begun, so that the state and the world market were never written and have largely been approach inadequately by Marxism since Marx (Werner Bonefeld’s recent book offers from very suggestive ideas on where book 4 would have gone and where we should go.)

ASIDE:
I really think that the idea of Marx viewing Capital as such as a treatment of an ideal average doesn’t even do justice to his statement in Vol. 3 in context 9and leaving aside that this is from an unpublished, incomplete manuscript):
“In our description of how production relations are converted into entities and rendered independent in relation to the agents of production, we leave aside the manner in which the interrelations, due to the world-market, its conjunctures, movements of market-prices, periods of credit, industrial and commercial cycles, alternations of prosperity and crisis, appear to them as overwhelming natural laws that irresistibly enforce their will over them, and confront them as blind necessity. We leave this aside because the actual movement of competition belongs beyond our scope, and we need present only the inner organisation of the capitalist mode of production, in its ideal average, as it were.”

We can read this sentence as “In our description of how production relations are converted into entities and rendered independent in relation to the agents of production, we leave aside the manner in which the interrelations… appear to them as overwhelming natural laws that irresistibly enforce their will over them, and confront them as blind necessity.  We leave this aside because the actual movement of competition belongs beyond our scope, and we need only present the inner organization of the capitalist mode of production, in its ideal average, as it were.”

Marx is here certainly abstracting from something, but from what?  From the actual movement of competition, which would be a history of how production relations are reified and turned into independent entities that dominate us.  What matters here is that we need only present “the inner organization… its ideal average”, which at this level of determination has led is much, much further along than Volume 1 in our engagement with empirical phenomena, but not to its completion.  Given that Marx here says he has not yet entered into the world market, this statement would seem to be specific to this moment in the work, and not a general statement of method.

“Furthermore, in their more excessive passages in which their theories of social domination are premised in order to articulate the dialectical characteristics of capitalist totality, each thinker might be said to have fallen prey to Marx’s criticism of using dialectics as an ‘abstract, ready-made system of logic’618 as their basis for ‘vague presentiments’619 about the composition and the characteristics of social domination.”

This is a good point and further it is the basis for people rejecting dialectic as such (and the point made by Gillian Rose in her last works that none of the post-Marx things had really grasped the speculative, which, whatever his pot-shots at the speculative in the Young Hegelians and Hegel, Marx completely absorbed into his own work.

208
“The first is the result of his [Lukacs’] conception of fetishism resting on objectification rather than on an account of the autonomous personification of things… This is reflected in his second problem which consists in his deficient account of social constitution that never provides a sufficient articulation of how the class relation constitutes the pervasive properties of reified totality. Both of these factors lead to the third problem – it is unclear how and why reification is so pervasive and by what means it produces and reproduces itself.”

Very good.

“Adorno’s theory of the fetishism-form of the exchange abstraction… was insufficiently theorised, lacking a developed account of: (a) how it was constituted and (b) how and why it was constituent of so many pervasive forms of social domination.  As I also showed, this account was contradicted and undermined by other aspects of Adorno’s theory which held that an objective theory of society was not possible or
speculated that the origin of these problems were tied to his mythical account of anthropology.”

Clear and concise.  Of course, I wonder then if monetary theory of value milieu is not guilty of the same thing.

209
“While Marx provides the most sophisticated explication of the constitution and of the constituent properties of social domination, his theory is still problematic in that it is marked by instances of ambiguity, contradiction and incompleteness.”

It’s not that I don’t there might be problems with Marx’s formulations at times, but I think this entire way of thinking about it misses Marx’s development of the categories in a phenomenological fashion, in which each step along the way has to develop out of ambiguity, contradictoriness, and incompleteness of the previous categories.  In that sense, it is not merely a logic which is supposed to follow a clean path from one category to the next.  Each categorical move has to develop out and transcend the inadequacies of the prior moment, only to find that it will be subject to the same treatment in the next moment.

“Furthermore, it does not account for important social phenomena such as the state or provide much of an account of how domination is socially and culturally embodied.”

This is partially true.  Marx already has the beginning of an account of the state (his formulation of the double freedom of the worker, for example, already hints at it), but it is not formulated independently because the predicate of something like the state or the world market would mean having completed all three volumes prior to it, a world of many capitals, a world of many M-C-M’ circuits.  Further, there is a kind of implicit treatment of gender and maybe even race in terms of forms of unwaged, non-commodity labor and unwaged, unfree labor, but it is not clear Marx would even have been aware of these elements or developed them.

“On the other hand, Lukács’, Adorno’s and Lefebvre's attempts to fill these gaps via different accounts of social domination that rely on methods of analogical generalisation of fetishism to Hegelian-Marxian conceptions of society as dialectical totalities, do not provide coherent accounts of
how these social phenomena are derived or related to commodity fetishism. As a consequence it seems that despite many instances where these descriptions of fetishistic domination are compelling and seem to accurately describe the function of aspects of society taken individually, they are not based on a coherent theory that provides an explication for how these fetishistic forms are socially constituted, and as a result fail to articulate how they are constitutive of social domination.”

A problem we all confront, but neatly summarized.

209-210
“However, in order to differentiate itself from the fatuous uses of fetishism or indeed other theories of social construction - which by treating everything as socially constructed they threaten to undermine the specific pernicious forms of social construction fetishism identifies [Italics mine – CDW] - such a theory of fetishism and of critical social theory needs to rely on a more coherent account of how these social phenomena are constituted and how they function in particular societies.”

This is a very good point.

210-11
“In the second place such a theory should try to accord with the historic particularity of the society it is theorising about.”

I have a bit of a problem with this.  How does a theory know that it is according with the historic particularity of the society it is theorizing about?  Further, is it theorizing about society in the sense intended by historicists?  I don’t even think that Gerstenberger’s point relates to Marx, as that would continue to entail the error put forth in seeing Marx as dealing with “ideal average”. 

211
“…it would instead be wise to endevour towards the type of historically rooted theory provided by Jairus Banaj,621 in which various types of social relations are integrated into the movement of the ‘laws of motion’ of the world capitalist system.”

Wow, that italicized part sounds awful.  Unless one is an academic historian trying to make a career out of writing better histories or a Marxist political economist trying to do a better economics.  I mean, to be less catty, it misses the point that in Capital the motion of capital is the constitution of its social relations.  There is no need for “integration” unless one fails to grasp the concept adequately.  This eviscerates Marx’s work as a critique of both bourgeois science and bourgeois ideology and reinstates the need for a Marxist science.

211
“I would also argue that such a periodisation could point out that the tenor of criticism should no longer be aimed at pointing out that culture and society are commodified. This is no longer open to debate. Rather it is now a question of demonstrating the genesis and pernicious consequences of this process in contrast to those who advocate the social benefits of commodified culture.”

Periodisation is a philosophical mistake that Marx doesn’t make.  All of his categories, even the ones in Capital that seem the most sequential, are in fact logical distinctions that are not easily bound into temporal periods, including, absolute and relative value, kinds of production processes, etc.  Simon Clark is quite right to challenge such schemes in his essay in Open Marxism, Vol. 1.

Is the point to move from a critique of commodification to the critique of the consequences of commodification?  I don’t think so because the critique of the consequences of commodification without a critique of commodification as such, reifies the completeness of the process of commodification.  It should be evident that commodification is always reproduced and as such is open to contestation in its reproduction.  This is akin to Werner Bonefeld’s point that originary accumulation is not a periodization that came and went, but that the subject becomes the predicate, that the separation of the producers from the means of production is never completed but a constant process at the very heart of accumulation.

212
“In the third place I think it is safe to say that whilst less expansive than theories of ‘fetishism as reification’, Lukács, Adorno and Lefebvre used the notion of fetishism in a too extensive manner aiming to account for too many social phenomena. This is particularly the case for the strand of fetishism this study bypassed [Italics mine – CDW] - mystification and ideology - which I hold grants too much emphasis to the demystifying properties of the dialectic, especially when such demystifying properties are based on a theoretical account of dialectics that, as I have shown, is in itself lacking. At the same time this type of fetishism also tends to rely on too reductive an account of other people’s consciousness, on assumptions of what everybody’s consciousness consists in and on reductive accounts of other disciplines under the rubric of generalisations such as ‘positivism’.”

This feels like an undeveloped parting shot since that strand of fetishism was “bypassed.”  I’m not saying that dialectic is demystifying, but I feel like this work and every other that makes a fetish of Marx’s statement below, misses the incredible importance of presentation.  It is a distinction between different notions of dialectic and the former is not a method at all.  It is only the mastery of the material that allows for a dialectic presentation, that is, a presentation that is adequate to the object itself.  The idea held in this book that Marx has “a method” is a continuing mis-reading of Marx as the purveyor if a geltungslogik of the neo-Kantian sort.  In fact, the book lacks any real consideration of what this mysterious “method” might be other than a mixture of critical-genetic account and penetration.

This fundamental philosophical error on pp. 46-7 dogs the entire piece.

“[I]t is one thing for a critique to take a science to the point at which it admits of a dialectical presentation, and quite another to apply an abstract, ready-made system of logic to vague presentiments of just such a system.” (Marx)

212-216
In coming to the end, I find it hard to grasp why the monetary theory of value reading of Marx plus the Trinity Formula provides a more “general model of how fetishism is constitutive of a society that has become so pervasively commodified.”  It isn’t that the ride getting here hasn’t been interesting, but as a positive counter-formulation, the value of the monetary theory of value continues to escape me.  For example, I don’t see how it “offer(s) a more concrete explication of social domination than Moishe Postone’s account which relies on self-reflexivity and the seemingly all-encompassing negativity of abstract labour” or help us “account for the function of the state by way of Bonefeld’s626, Roberts’627, Piccioto’s628 and Gerstenberger’s629 work”.

Is it because supposedly
“…the monetary theory of value, [which] unifies production and circulation, as embedded in the Trinity Formula. Instead such a model could be said to be amenable to integrating these contemporary forms of production and consumption and by doing so also to integrate elements of Lukács’, Adorno’s and Lefebvre’s accounts.”??

If anything, it feels like the monetary theory of value hypostatizes exchange and eschews labor as domination on the one hand and the entire circuit of capital at the other, in favor of a reading of the Trinity Formula that returns to personified, direct relations of domination (“(3) These perverted forms of revenue account for the constitution and reproduction of the Trinity Formula, the personification of capitalists and of landowners and the misery of the proletariat”) while giving the proletariat a pass in terms of personification.

I also just can’t stand the idea of a model.  In the name of moving away from a pre-given logic replacing “science” on pages 46-7, we return to an instrumental logic here with a fierceness, generating models we can apply to various scenarios.

“Thus Marx’s account of the Trinity Formula could be used to provide a concrete model of how labour is apportioned according to autonomous requirements of capitalist valorisation.”


The appeal of this also continues to escape me.  What is so important about “how labour is apportioned”?  This just seems like some fixation of professional economics in a Marxian guise.

Thursday, January 15, 2015

Notes on Chris O'Kane's "Fetishism and Social Domination in Marx, Lukacs, Adorno and Lefebvre", Part 5

Part 3: Adorno

I think it is useful for each new section to start out with a quote from Chris O'Kane's own introduction.  I should have done it for the earlier sections because referring back to it will help focus the reader on his goals.

123
"In this chapter I focus on the place of fetishism in Theodor W. Adorno’s theory of social domination. In contrast to accounts that equate Adorno’s theory of social domination with a nebulous conception of reification, by focusing on the place of fetishism in Adorno’s thought, I argue that Adorno’s account of the social constitution and constituent properties of social domination is based upon his conception of fetishism. I demonstrate this by focusing on how Adorno theorises social domination in his early and late work. I argue that in his early work, Adorno conceives fetishism through his Marxian interpretation of Lukács, Benjamin and Freud, as evidenced in texts such as The Idea of Natural History, The Actuality of Philosophy, and On The fetish Character of Music and the Regression of Listening. However, and in contrast, I argue that his later work conceives fetishism through a Hegelian-Marxian conception of the exchange abstraction's fetish-form. This, I will claim, provides the latter with means to elucidate the social genesis and the constituent properties of social domination whichare carried out in his dialectical analysis of the objective and subjective forms of social domination proper to a negative totality, thus functioning as a basis for his critical theory of society. I will argue that this later theory attempts to remedy the deficiencies of his earlier positions by providing an account of social objectivity and of a more fully fledged account of social constitution. However, in the conclusion to this chapter, I will also show that the theory is ultimately undermined by an insufficient account of the genesis and social pervasiveness of the fetish-form of the exchange abstraction." [Italics and bold mine - CDW]

This should allow us to focus on Adorno's developing notion of the fetish and the key problem O'Kane identifies in his conception, notably that it provides "an insufficient account of the genesis and social pervasiveness" of the fetish-form.  This is not the same, obviously, as saying that his account of the fetish-form itself is flawed, which was the case with Lukacs' Hegelian-Weberian-Marxian hybrid.

125 fn358
As always, I am interested in what is so unusual about distinguishing between the value-form, which is the essence of capitalism, and the labor process, which is a phenomenal form, that is, highly contingent and prone to radical transformation, but without changing the validity of the value-form. Insofar as the labor process is also the valorisation process, the labor process is also the continuation of the inner split in capitalist labor between concrete and abstract, but here it is as a part of the movement of value qua capital, that is, it is a different level of concreteness, of determination, and one which has a contingent element to it because the labor process, and thus the valorization process at the point of production, changes dramatically over time, altering the very constitution of the working class (subject to a variety of determinations outside of production as well, that is, in circulation and consumption and further, as I have argued elsewhere, even in the spatial organization of capitalist society as a whole.)

126
"However, as I have shown, Rose’s idiosyncratic distinction between fetishism and reification means that this strand of commentary does not differentiate between Adorno’s theory of fetishism and his theory of reification. This interpretation consequently misses the way in which Adorno’s analysis of identity-thinking is interrelated with his conceptualisation of the fetish-form of the exchange abstraction which grounds his theory of social domination. Like the other account described above, which blurs Adorno’s theory of social domination with Lukács’s theory of reification, this reading treats Adorno’s theory of social domination as if it were equivalent to his own theory of reification. 361 As I will show, Adorno’s theory of identity-thinking is reflective of a central element of his conception of fetishism and it plays a part in his theory of social domination."

As before, maybe I am missing something about Chris O'Kane's take on Rose's reading of Adorno, but on p. 43 of the Melancholy Science she distinguishes Adorno from others in the following way:
“Adorno's theory of reification was based on commodity fetishism in a way which depended not on Marx's theory of work or the labour process (alienation), but on Marx's theory of value, especially on the distinction between use-value and exchange-value.”

Aside from the ongoing complaint of Rose's distinction of the labour process from value, it seems clear that Rose sees Adorno's theory of reification as arising from his theory of fetishism, his interpretation of Marx's commodity fetishism.

Maybe the argument is that, in grounding the use of reification in Adorno's understanding of comoodity fetishism, she then never really speaks about his theory of commodity fetishism and just focuses on reification? This would make sense, as she never really develops that point, staying entirely with reification and use-value/exchange-value after her original note.

Her discussion of reification, however, is clearly linked to her discussion of what a concept is in classical German philosophy versus what it is in the English world of empiricism and analytical philosophy. I would rather not re-write that analysis here, but some distinction needs to be made.

In English, a concept is what one has when one correctly grasps the meaning or sense of a word. In German, objects have concepts in the sense that in English objects have properties or real attributes. Rose notes that 'an objects falls under a concept' is akin to saying that 'an object has a property.' She then works through the three senses of identity thinking in Adorno and it is the last of these, rational identity, which is especially important and related to reification. It is worth reading through because it is very difficult and I won't do anyone favors by summarising it.

Why does this matter? Because it is key to what Adorno means by a concept and an object. There is no object that is pure objectivity and no concept that is merely subjective. Adorno's notion of concept avoids that dualistic way of understanding concept and object typical of “positivism”.

130
"In contrast to Lukács, Adorno does not mistake objectification with the autonomous social properties of things. Adorno treats the commodity-form and the related problem of the ‘thing in-itself’ as social forms of objectivity possessed by things, rather than as forms of thingified false objectivity.378 This means that criticism does not destroy false objectivity, so as to disclose the real underlying substratum. Yet criticism does however disclose that these forms of objectivity are unintentionally constituted social phenomena. This is due to several elements that Adorno elucidates here and which he also presented in the Idea of Natural History; namely: (a) that the essence of this unintentional process of social constitution appears in the symbolic form,379 and (b) that disclosing this process denaturalises and historicises these forms of second nature and (c) that this type of criticism is indicative of Marxist theory."

Nice distinction.

132
"Adorno’s later formulation of fetishism and its role in his theory of composition and of the characteristics of social domination occurs following his return to Germany in the 1960s. This formulation breaks with his earlier account of fetishism and with his theory of social domination.389"

fn 389
"This period also signifies Adorno’s rapprochement with Marx for an articulation of a macrosocial theory, following the Nietzschean and Weberian narratives of The Dialectic of Enlightenment."

So according to this, Adorno's earlier work is a mix of Nietzsche and Weber, whereas his later work breaks with this for a Marxian "articulation of a macrosocial theory."  This seems like a pretty big claim that would merit more substantiation.  The evidence provided seems largely to be a noting of a shift from "micrological investigations based on the commodity" to "macrological theories that account for the constitution and constituent properties of social domination...based on...his formulations of...the fetish-form of the exchange abstraction."

133
"Adorno provides what can be called a dialectical fusion of Hegel and Marx. He interprets the two thinkers’ theories of social constitution as interrelated with each other. This means that Adorno has a Hegelian interpretation of Marx, in which the latter is seen as a dialectical theorist who views capital as a social totality; yet he also contends that the late Marx followed Hegel in theorising capitalist totality through ‘the objectivity of the concept’ and by viewing labour as social labour.390 He consequently conceives Marx’s theory of fetishism in this Hegelian light.391"

I find this confusing. I agree with Rose, for what it is worth, when she argues that this 'objectivity of the concept' is exactly a way to avoid compounding Marx's theory of fetishism with Hegel's ideas on the development of consciousness (p. 47), that is, to not fuse Hegel and Marx. Therefore, I don't know what is a fusion of Hegel and Marx here, unless one is of the opinion that Marx represents some absolute break with Hegel and thus one has to bring them back together on 1) dialectic, 2) capital as a social totality, 3) 'the objectivity of the concept', and 4) by viewing labor as social labor.  The first two are a Hegelian Marx and the last two are a Hegelian reading of Marx's theory of fetishism.  And yet, I have not seen any good argument that Marx's understanding of 'concept' would be strictly different from Hegel's.  It's grounding might be different (exactly Rose's point about why Hegel is unnecessary here, since Marx provides his ground), but there is no reason to think that the 'objectivity of the concept' would be denied by Marx or read in “English” fashion.

It does help to see that Adorno self-consciously attempts to supplement Marx with Hegel because he saw Marx as neglecting "the conceptual element in exchange that is necessary for conceptualising equivalents and non-equivalents as equivalents."  Exchange and identity thinking are then "dialectically interrelated" for Adorno.  So here is a case for Adorno thinking that Marx short-changes conceptuality, but still not for a fusion of Hegel with Marx since it does not entail that Marx rejects this kind of conceptuality, only that he fails to develop it adequately.

This raises a number of issues with Adorno's reading of Marx, however, as already noted, in his focus strictly on exchange/use.

134-5
This is something of an exegesis of notes from a seminar of Adorno's from 1962.

I am uncertain about Adorno's notion of abstraction here:
“Exchange itself is a process of abstraction. Whether human beings know or not, by entering into a relationship of exchange and reducing different use values to labor values they actualize a conceptual operation socially. This is the objectivity of the concept in practice. It shows that conceptuality lies not only in the minds of the philosophers but also in the reality of the object itself such that when we speak of being (Wesen), we refer to precisely that which society, without knowing it, already has in itself.”

Do we reduce different use-values to labor values (that is, socially necessary labor time) in exchange? Isn't the use-value of a commodity only validated through being exchanged, since their use-value is also only posited here, but until exchange happens it is not realized? In other words, if no one buys the bicycles I manufactured, and they end up in the scrap heap, then not only was their exchange-value not realized, their use-value was not realized either. This happens with food in restaurants constantly and in a very obvious way, especially fast food chains who lock the garbage can so that the homeless cannot get free food because food without an exchange-value has no use-value from the point of capital, though it may well be useful to the homeless person.

Here the importance of objective conceptuality for Adorno, which follows close on this, is even more important. If Rose is correct that objective conceptuality is important for Adorno to avoid historicism and idealism, how much more important is it if we realize that use-value in Capital and usefulness to a person are not the same thing. There is in fact something objective in the conceptuality of the use-value side of the commodity, that is, stripped of it's value component, it retains an objective potential to be useful (if the homeless person gets it out of the trash, in our example.) Exchange-value, on the other hand, does not refer to a conceptuality that survives except as this particular social form. The entirety of its objectivity is “second nature” as Adorno calls it in the text.

This issue with use-value as Adorno puts it here however indicates an issue with his notion of abstraction, or at least as he thinks it in relation to use-value. We don't abstract from the use-value, the use-value is the abstract going into the useful thing. What is useful is judged by exchangability. This is why Postone posits the problem not at the level of exchange-value/use-value, but at Labor itself. The use-value is already a product of a labor for exchange. The fetishism thus is not only to the exchange-value, or abstract labor, but to use-value and concrete labor as well, that is, Labor, Value, Commodity are fetish-forms.

"Adorno thus interprets fetishism as the autonomous, abstract and socially objective properties possessed by commodities which are constituted by social labour and realised in exchange. This is why I term Adorno’s conception of fetishism - the fetish form of the exchange abstraction."

And this is why it is insufficient. The fetish form is not merely in the exchange abstraction, produced by it.

“Exchange still is the key to society. It is characteristic of commodity economy (Warenwirtschaft) that what characterizes exchange – i.e. that it is a relation between human beings – disappears and presents itself as if it was a quality of the things themselves that are to be exchanged. It is not the exchange that is fetishized but the commodity. That which is a congealed social relation within commodities is regarded as if it was a natural quality, a being-in-itself of things. It is not exchange which is illusory, because exchange really takes place. The illusion (Schein) in the process of exchange lies in the concept of surplus value.”

It is not merely the commodity which is fetishized, but the entire movement of capital (though Marx will only arrive there in Vol. 3.) The illusion is that the process is one of concrete labor producing use-values as goods to be sold for a surplus. Then again, there is also the issue that the exchange, as an exchange of equivalents, is also an illusion. The exchange takes place, but between the worker whose labor is the commodity for sale, and capital, the exchange is and is not of equivalents.

136-7
“Because exchange-value is the dominant principle, fetishism realises itself necessarily in an autonomous form of compulsion. Both sides of the class relation are forced to take on the function of ‘character masks,’ which are ‘derived from objective conditions’ wherein ‘the role […] [is] imposed on the subject by the structure.’ Workers are compelled to sell their labour power in order to survive. Capitalists are compelled to valorise value to ‘prevent themselves from going broke.’404

Fetishism also determines reification, which Adorno distinguishes from the above accounts of compulsion, and derives from the fetish form of the exchange abstraction. Reification is thus established by the fetish form of the exchange abstraction. This is because the fetish form of the exchange abstraction is ‘not simply false consciousness but results from the structure of political economy.’ For Adorno ‘this is the actual reason why consciousness is determined by being.’405 Reification is thus defined as ‘human beings’ becoming ‘dependent on those objectivities’ of the fetish form of the exchange abstraction ‘which are obscure to them.’406 However, since reification is
established by the autonomous and personified properties of the fetish form of the exchange abstraction, ‘reification [Verdinglichung] is not only false consciousness but simultaneously also reality, insofar as commodities really are alienated from human beings. We really are dependent on the world of commodities [Warenwelt].’"

This is key:
Compulsion is abstract, that is, it applies to all (albeit not equally) and is not really challenged by consciousness or interpersonal relations.

Fetishism determines reification, though there are questions as to Adorno's development as I have pointed out.

137
"Thus Adorno’s interpretation of Marx distinguishes between the reified social relations of exchange, reification and fetishism. For Adorno, reification on a practical and theoretical level is established by reified social relations and the personification of things with both as central elements of social domination... On the one hand, the pernicious effects of the fetishistic, autonomous objectivity of social totality on persons exceeds an account of reification, as it includes accounts of compulsion, psychological and ontological human maiming that are explicated in his account of fetishism and social domination and are not described or captured by the metaphor of thingification or objectification. On the other hand at this point in his work408 Adorno also differentiates this type of domination from practical reification and reified consciousness.409 This is also why he states that other types of reified consciousness are of secondary importance to the reified consciousness
established by the fetish-character of commodities.410 In contrast to accounts that subsume all of these aspects of Adorno’s theory under reification, I focus on foregrounding his account of fetishism and the way it is realised in his account of the compulsive and maiming aspects of social domination." [Italics mine - CDW]

Well stated and especially a good distinction between reification and fetishism.

140
"Adorno distinguishes his theory from Benjamin’s through the heightened importance that his macrological theory of the exchange abstraction grants to that abstraction’s mediation of every fragment of social totality; and he differentiates himself from Lukács in several respects. Firstly, on a
methodological level, he moves away from using the concept of the commodity in favour of using exchange as the basis for the critique of capitalism as a socio-cultural totality. Secondly, on a theoretical level, this is reflected in his move away from his use of Lukács’ early conception of second nature to his conception of the exchange abstraction, and in a further move, away from describing the objective and autonomous aspect of social domination through alienation towards addressing it via abstraction, autonomisation, personification and inversion. This is coupled to his
criticism of the ‘tireless charge of reification’ for its ‘idealist’, ‘subjectivist’ and un-dialectical focus, which conflates domination with objectification, bases itself on the ‘isolated category’ of ‘thingly’ appearance and ‘blocks’ a properly dialectical diagnosis of social domination.429 These deficiencies of Lukács’s theory of reification are contrasted with Marx’s properly dialectical and objective theory of the fetish character of commodities.430"

Adorno's move away from Benjamin and Lukacs, based on his reading of the importance of the exchange abstraction rather than the commodity (alienation).

My complaints about the working through of Rose and Postone's comments on Adorno and Lukacs matters less here than the presentation of Adorno, which I think is very engaging and thoughtful, and can be productive both for a value-form reading of Marx's work and for trying to understand Adorno as an independently interesting contributor to Marx's critique of value and a theory of social domination.

The issues with Rose and Postone will come back at two levels later: how do we understand the value-form/labor process relationship (a point also important for Postone and a host of other thinkers), and what is the importance of the status of labor for this?  Clearly, their critiques at these levels also distinguish them from a variety of readings of Marx's critique of value that are broadly still value-form readings.

141
"Adorno’s theory is dialectical because it treats society as a dialectical totality that is collectively composed by subjects who are in turn composed by that society.431"

It may be my allergic reaction to "dialectical" as a much-abused and poorly developed term, but this seems circular.  Once you say "X theory is dialectical because it treats society as a dialectical totality" feels awfully close to a theory is dialectical because it assumes its object is dialectical.  Totality and a discursive relation of subjects and society are not inherently dialectical.  The footnote from Adorno in fact is more complicated than that:

"‘Subject and object diverge in this society, and, to an unprecedented degree, living people are the objects of social processes which, in their turn, are composed of people.’ (T. W. Adorno 2002, 137)"

First, subject and object diverge and people are "the objects of social processes".  This divergence is important because this is not the totality of Lukacs, where the perspective of totality is good and "totality" is taken as a given.  In a "dialectical view", to use that awkward term, only capital constitutes a totality in the Hegelian sense, and thus a negative totality constituted through domination.  Also, subjects and people are not quite the same thing.  The people are subjected, but not Subjects in the sense of a subject-object dialectic.  This is where Postone's insistence on Capital as Subject differs critically from Lukacs' Proletariat as Subject of History.

143
"As was the case with Lukács’ social analysis, the capitalist society that Adorno theorises is different than the early liberal type of capitalism that Marx sought to theorise in its ideal average. Foremost among these differences are several developments that Adorno explicates through his theory of the fetish-form of the exchange abstraction. These include the totally administered society as the outgrowth of Keynesian capitalist state bureaucracies, administration and rationalised Fordist
production, and the emergence of mass societies through the integration of the working class."

And in this there is no recognition of the transformation of the labor process pace Rose.  The labor process in Adorno's day is also radically different from Marx's day.  Hans-Dieter Bahr's "The Class Structure of Machinery" is necessary reading, but the same insights come from Italian operaismo and French critiques of the labor process (Serge Mallet, Andre Gorz).  Without a grasp of the transformation of the labor process, rationalised Fordist production remains an empty phrase and the emergence of mass societies and the integration of the working class cannot be understood at all.

This results in Adorno falling back onto an explanation of the totally administered society through extension and intensification of exchange-relations to society as a whole, but the domain of production remains unexplored.  Adorno extrapolates the whole of society from the first chapters of Volume 1 of Capital.

145 fn 442
Highlights this limit of stopping with "industrial labour", as if the industrial labour of 1880 was like that of 1968 and contemporary society was just this industrial model becoming "the pattern of society everywhere".

The actual change in the relation of the worker to work, the transformation of the nature of work, etc. is replaced with an abstraction.

151-2
"This condition of unfreedom becomes the basis for a conception of freedom as the negation of unfreedom: ‘Subjects become aware of the limits of their freedom as their own membership in nature, ultimately as their powerlessness in view of the society, becomes autonomous before them.’466 This conception of freedom is metapsychologically derived as the ‘polemical counter-image to the suffering under social compulsion.’467 It is also grounded in the limits of the subsuming powers of the commodity-form. The latter reaches its limit in its determination of that which ultimately determines it in turn: labour power.468 Furthermore, and by extension, this notion of freedom is also premised on the negation of exchange and social totality." [Italics mine - CDW]

152
"In sum, Adorno’s dialectical social theory of domination uses his theory of the fetish-form of the exchange abstraction to theorise supra-individual forms of social domination, and to thereby articulate the ways in which these forms invert to compel, condition and maim individuals to the point where they become reliant on the very forms that oppress them. This dialectical social theory is summarised as a whole in Negative Dialectics:

[T]he economic process, which reduces individual interests to the common denominator of a totality, which remains negative, because it distances itself by means of its constitutive abstraction from the individual interests, out of which it is nevertheless simultaneously composed. The universality, which reproduces the preservation of life, simultaneously endangers it, on constantly more threatening levels. The violence of the self-realizing universal is not, as Hegel thought, identical to the essence of individuals, but always also contrary. They are not merely character-masks, agents of value, in some presumed special sphere of the economy. Even where they think they have escaped the primacy of the economy, all the way down to their psychology, the maison tolère, [French: universal home] of what is unknowably individual, they react under the compulsion of the generality; the more identical they are with it, the more un-identical they are with it in turn as defenceless followers. What is expressed in the individuals themselves, is that the whole preserves itself along with them only by and through the antagonism.469"

This returns to the idea from 141, and here again we can see certain elements of Adorno's thought left out. It is not merely dialectical "it treats society as a dialectical totality that is collectively composed by subjects who are in turn composed by that society", but because the totality is negative i.e. something antagonistic to the subject who compose it and the totality is only able to proceed through this antagonism.  That the totality is, that it is a negative totality antagonistic to its substance, and that only through this antagonism can it subsist is "dialectical".  The presentation of the matter on 141 lacks this negativity, and thus determinacy, for all determination is negation.

155
Para 2.
I don't think that "just society" is an appropriate term.  Justice is a slippery bourgeois concept intimately tied to exchange.  If fn 474 is any indication, Adorno is as critical of equality as he would be of justice:

'What the critique of the exchange-principle as the identifying one of thought wishes, is that the ideal of free and fair exchange, until today a mere pretext, would be realised. This alone would transcend the exchange. Once critical theory has demystified this latter as something which proceeds by equivalents and yet not by equivalents, then the critique of the inequality in the equality aims towards equality, amidst all skepticism against the rancor in the bourgeois egalitarian ideal, which tolerates nothing qualitatively divergent. If no human being was deprived of their share of their living labor, then rational identity would be achieved, and society would be beyond the identifying thought.' (Adorno 2001, ‘On the Dialectics of Identity’) http://members.efn.org/~dredmond/ND2Trans.txt

This paragraph is a critique of equality because an egalitarian society is precisely one in which "the inequality in the equality" reigns.  "The critique... aims towards equality."  One suspects that "towards" here might in fact be "at".  Adorno expresses freedom as human beings residing peacefully side-by-side in their inequality.  Raymond Geuss in Philosophy and Real Politics puts forwards a very sharp critique of equality and justice premised upon Adornian critical theory, albeit with an obvious analytical influence.

155
Now begins the critique of Adorno:
"The most fundamental problem is that Adorno’s theory of the fetish form of the exchange abstraction is insufficiently theorised... an explanation of the genesis of exchange and the extent of its pervasiveness is never really given."

ASIDE: It occurs to me that in an earlier post, I may have been hasty in saying that Chris O'Kane is not repetitive.  I meant relative to Postone.  With some proper editing, much material could be disposed of, such as repeating that Adorno didn't make Lukacs' mistakes here, again, for the third or fourth time.

156
"As I have shown, these expositions provide an account of how the fetish form of the exchange abstraction is realised in exchange. They do not however account for Adorno’s modification of Marx’s theory through its fusion of Hegel, or for his transformation of Marxian categories, such as exchange and fetishism. Nor does Adorno provide an account of how these categories are indicative of virtually all aspects of social life." [Italics mine - CDW]

On the two items I italicized.  The first remains completely underdeveloped.  I read a claim early in this section that Adorno was Hegelianizing Marx, but no actual evidence that this was the case.  Maybe it is hidden in the lengthy quotes from a draft translation of Negative Dialectics in the copious footnotes, but it is not clearly argued in the doctoral thesis itself.  The second is also not well developed, except insofar as it is noted that Adorno has some criticisms of Marx's treatment of epistemology, but it is again hardly clear in the thesis proper where and how Adorno engages in "transformations", a very strong charge.

So I think the thesis has shown what it claims in the first sentence, but not really adequately either of the second or third claims.

157
"This is why Adorno’s attempt to utilise some of Marx’s categories in relation to his category of exchange whilst neglecting other important ones is problematic: for instead of the development of the categories of abstract labour, value, surplus value and capital that are, as we have seen, central to Marx’s theory of fetishism and social domination, Adorno opts for a socialised Hegelian reading of Marx. This involves a dialectically conceived notion of exchange, understood in relation to late capitalist social totality. Yet in this interrelated reading of Hegel and Marx, how and why exchange possesses its socially determinate function, and how it relates to late capitalist totality, is not sufficiently explained; instead it is interpreted and presupposed as an already existent feature of a totality that is not intelligible as a whole, whilst the dialectical function of totality is accounted for through Adorno’s comments on the properties and pervasiveness of exchange.478"

While some of this seems valid, especially the first part of the first sentence, once again the problem is imagined as "a socialised Hegelian reading of Marx" and "a dialectically conceived notion of exchange, understood in relation to late capitalist social totality."  But what does this mean?  The text nowhere really develops this "Hegelian" charge nor the notion of "dialectical", which should be handled with great circumspection by Hegelians and Marxists alike.  The one explanation of "dialectical" by the author is actually close to a social constructivist notion than to Adorno even as present in the excerpts from Negative Dialectic.  Never mind that I can't imagine what a "socialised" Hegel even is, as Hegel is from the outset a philosopher of the social.  It is like saying "a historicized Hegelian reading".  Very odd.

157
"Adorno falls back on analysing these aspects of society through modified Marxian terms, such as fetishism, exchange, exchange-value, etc., or by treating these phenomena as harmonious or reflective of exchange. Yet, these deficiencies in his accounts of the genesis of exchange and of its pervasiveness mean that he does not conclusively show how or why the latter mediates them. This lack of a theory of the genesis and pervasiveness of the exchange abstraction thus undermines Adorno's analysis of society... it is not apparent in Adorno’s account of exchange if or how this basis can be generalised to other social and conceptual phenomena, let alone serve as ground for their criticism."

This is better.  This is the meat.

158 fn 479
Concrete labor is confused with the labor process, which was the earlier way the author took issue with Rose and Postone.  These are important distinctions, though it is important to understand that the labor process is also the valorization process (and thus concrete and abstract labor move forward together in their more determinate manifestation.)  I have addressed the point re: the labor process earlier and why it matters here.

158
"These problems are further undermined by Adorno’s comments, presented elsewhere, which express hostility to an objective theory of society.480 Adorno often uses such comments to advocate his method of constellation;481 or his points that society is ‘intelligible’ and ‘unintelligible’482, yet they also contradict his contentions that the fetish form of the exchange abstraction objectively constitutes society."

This does not follow.  Adorno objects to "an objective theory of society", but what does he mean by this?  His notion of society is not "objective" in the sense used here, not merely because a subject-object dialectic always involves the subject side, but because an objective theory of society would undermine the antagonistic and fractured quality of this society; it would be a fetishistic view.  Thus the last part of the sentence overlooks the character of the fetish form, which "objectively constitutes society" in an antagonistic and perverse manner.

Also, and this has happened a lot, the footnotes do not correctly reference the item in the bibliography.  Adorno 2001 is 4 different citations in the biblio (2001a-d).  This is unhelpful.

"This is also the case for several comments Adorno makes which characterise exchange as having occurred since ‘time immemorial’484 casting doubt on whether his analysis of exchange is specific to the social relations of capitalism, going against statements made elsewhere that it is, and undermining the historical account also outlined above that treats the properties of exchange as an all-around mediator as the outcome of particular historical and social conditions."

This is better, especially as Adorno says the "surplus-value of labour", except that there is no "surplus-value" outside of capital.  There could be surplus wealth, surplus product, etc., but "value" in the sense used by Marx is a capital-specific category.

"Adorno attempts to bypass these problems by placing the various strands of his theory into totality. This makes totality the basis of causality.485"

Unfortunately the footnote itself is clearly a complaint with the limited, now ideological validity of causality as such in capitalist society because the logic of identity, of propositional thinking, of formal causal logic, is the (il)logic of capital.  So of course he ranges causality under totality because causality is at best limited (Hegel's position) and at worst, sheer mystification (IMO, closer to Adorno.)

fn485
'Causality has withdrawn as it were into the totality; in the midst of its system it becomes indistinguishable. The more its concept, under scientific mandate, dilutes itself to abstraction, the less the simultaneous threads of the universally socialised society, which are condensed to an extreme, permit one condition to be traced back with evidence to others. Each one hangs together horizontally as vertically with all others, tinctures all, is tinctured by all. The latest doctrine in which enlightenment employed causality as a decisive political weapon, the Marxist one of superstructure
and infrastructure, lags almost innocently behind a condition, in which the apparatuses of production, distribution and domination, as well as economic and social relations and ideologies are inextricably interwoven, and in which living human beings have turned into bits of ideology. Where these latter are no longer added to the existent as something justifying or complementary, but pass over into the appearance [Schein], that what is, would be inescapable and thereby legitimated, the critique which operates with the unequivocal causal relation of superstructure and infrastructure aims wide of the mark. In the total society everything is equally close to the midpoint; it is as transparent, its apologetics as threadbare, as those who see through it, who die out.'
(Adorno 2001, ‘On the Crisis of Causality’)

One suspects that the translation ought to be "superstructure and base", as infrastructure is a weird way to what seems like an obvious reference to the mechanical causality of DiaMat/HistoMat.

159
Now it occurs to me that the complaint that "he presupposes the function of totality without
explicating its genesis or its function" is not entirely accurate if one reads Adorno (or Lukacs) as proposing a way of reading Capital and instead of re-creating the wheel, suggesting that read in the right way, Marx has already done this part.  Capital is the totality and Marx has explicated its genesis and function, but 1) it has been so misread that we must be taught to read it anew, 2) once understood in a new way, we have before us the work of addressing those things Marx did not, such as the state, the world market, culture, etc,, and those he could not, that is, our present rather than his.

"Yet with so much hanging on the category, like the fetish form of the exchange abstraction, it likewise lacks an account of how it is constituted, how it functions to reproduce itself and it incorporates or reflects different theories of dialectics and different aspects of an eclectic array of
theorists. 486"

This and the fn (a copy and paste of the complaint about Rose, Postone, and Fetscher from a couple pages earlier.)  We can generously assume that the recycling of footnotes is a mistake.

If the labor process is not dealt with in its historical specificity, as it changes the actual class relation, the actuality of capital, its impact on our experience and our capacity for experience, and so on, that is, if one remains in the first few chapters of Capital then the present looks like the past and in the face of the disintegration of the working class as an estate, as a separate culture, as a coherent ethical opposition, Leftists repeat tired nonsense about Bolshevism, councilism, trade unions, anarchism, syndicalism, and fantasize about 1968 as the future, rather than as the last gasp of an era past.

For all of his tendency to read exchange back transhistorically, he at least had the merit of living in the present and thinking theory in the present.

That said, I think the concern that Adorno stops short is valid.  There is a genesis that has to be worked through that is beyond Marx.  We can't just read Capital better, though that is important.  We have to continue to write it, and that means, first and foremost, accounting for what has changed in the phenomenal forms that have to be accounted for.